The combination of assertions and of quantifications in a discourse where neither the enunciator nor the receiver is explicitly identified, designates a contract where an objective and impersonal enunciator speaks the truth ( Verón, 1985). Also reoccurring is the use of “quantification” -that is, the naming of the number of those that “are killed”- in the headlines, which highlighted the importance of the accuracy of the news. Just as Van Dijk says (1997: 63), those with power like the authorities, in this case, the security forces, tend to appear in first person when they carry out a neutral or positive action, while they are situated in the passive voice or implicated as agents of negative actions. For example: 10 extremists killed 21 or 3 terrorists were killed in a shootout during farm raid 22. In the news series on the anti-subversive struggle, included in the subversive crime agenda, the newspapers studied used impersonal language and passive voice thus taking the subject out of the action (person, number, mode and time) and emphasizing the action. Despite the offering, the newspaper decided not to participate in Papel Prensa S.A. Despite the initial compromise with which La Prensa assumed the struggle with the subversive enemy, it did not leave behind its character of political activist to voice its discrepancies and indicate warningly to the Military Junta that which had to be corrected, thus adopting behavior described as “pendular journalism” ( Díaz & Passaro, 2009). Díaz, Giménez & Sujatovich (2010) indicate that, from the last phase of the third administration of Peron until the end of the military dictatorship, the newspaper -at the hand of Gainza Paz- contributed to the discursive construction of the 1976 military coup, given that it understood that the military takeover did not represent a break of constitutional order, but rather it was the only institutional option possible. This event would mark the anti-Peronist and anti-communist discourse, of the newspaper. The newspaper was expropriated by his government in 1951 ( Panella, 2006). From the appearance on the political scene of Juan Domingo Perón, he became a target of heavy criticism on behalf of the newspaper, which only worsened during the 1946 electoral campaign. However, around 1874, Paz had participated in a “crusade” against the then president Avellaneda ( Ulanovsky, 2005). The newspaper was created to overcome the politicization that characterized the newspapers at that time. Printed in tabloid format in the southern Buenos Aires suburb of Sarandí, it grew to become the most important publication in the Kraiselburd Group, as well as the third most-widely circulated in the Buenos Aires metro area.La Prensa was founded in 1869 by José Cle- mente Paz. These publications became supporters of the dictatorship installed in 1976, though the latter took a more populist stance with the advent of democracy in 1983. Editorial stance įollowing the founder's July 17 murder by the far-left Montoneros, Raúl Kraiselburd, his son, assumed control of El Día and Diario Popular. Fascetto envisaged Diario Popular as a replacement for Crónica, whose bold editorial style had earned it the nation's second-highest circulation, and a closure order by President Juan Perón. The publication was founded by Jorge Fascetto, the majority owner and director of El Día, the principal news daily in La Plata, on July 1, 1974. With its offices located at 142 Beguiristain street, Sarandí, Buenos Aires Province, the newspaper always had its sales center in the Buenos Aires suburbs, especially in the southern area (especially in Avellaneda, Lanús, and Quilmes). The newspaper remains a family business, with a majority in the shareholding composition of the Kraiselburd and Fascetto families. Ĭurrently, its average circulation on sundays is 135,704 copies, and 85,929 from monday to friday. It has many of the characteristic features of the yellow press, in terms of the use of colors, fonts, use of colloquial language, and exclamation marks in titles. Both for its content, style and design, It is aimed at the lower middle class. Police, sports, and entertainment news occupy the main spaces and supplements of Diario Popular. It is read widely in the surrounding southern Greater Buenos Aires suburbs of Avellaneda, Lanús, and Quilmes and maintains third place behind the two large Argentine newspapers in terms of circulation. For Paraguayan newspaper, see Diario Popular (Paraguay).ĭiario Popular is a local newspaper published in Sarandí, Argentina. This article is about Argentinian newspaper.
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